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The dust jacket of Michael Massing’s The Fix summarizes his thesis in bold red letters: “Under the Nixon Administration, America Had an Effective Drug Policy. WE SHOULD RESTORE IT. (Nixon Was Right).” That is a pretty extraordinary claim to make regarding an administration that gained office in large part through the “Southern Strategy” that had at its heart Nixon’s declaration of a “War on Drugs” and whose policies created the cocaine epidemic that caused so many new concerns a decade later. At most, I would agree that the Nixon administration’s pursuit of a fundamentally bad policy included some worthwhile efforts that have been devalued by every subsequent administration. This was not because Nixon or his closest advisers were right about drug policy but because Nixon was more interested in foreign policy issues and his benign neglect of domestic policy allowed a number of positive developments to blossom in the midst of the mire of incompetence and corruption that characterized his presidency.
Perceptively concluding that “policies being formulated in Washington today bear little relation to what is taking place on the street,” Massing attempts to depict the real effects of drug policy at the street level. Unfortunately, he doesn’t rely on the epidemiologic evidence or read the careful analyses conducted by researchers like myself who have systematically examined what is truly taking place on the street. Instead, he relies on the journalist’s usual — and usually misleading — tool of dramatic anecdotes.
Massing’s anecdotal case is presented through the stories of Raphael Flores and Yvonne Hamilton. Flores runs Hot Line Cares, a drop-in center for addicts in Spanish Harlem. Hot Line Cares, which Flores founded in 1970, is essentially just a cramped office in of an otherwise abandoned tenement where Flores and his staff advise and assist addicts who want to get into treatment. Given the fragmented state of drug abuse treatment in New York City, and in most other American communities, it is no easy task to connect addicts with appropriate care and even harder to connect them with adequate aftercare. Massing writes, “If a Holiday Inn is full, it will at least call the Ramada down the street to see if it has a vacancy. Not so two treatment programs”
Yvonne Hamilton is a crack addict trying to get her life together. Massing describes her trials and tribulations as she copes with her illness and makes her way through New York City’s treatment non-system. It is an affecting story and well told. The author presents it as an argument for treatment and perversely as an argument against decriminalization or legalization. But she is one of the many examples that show that prohibition does not prevent addiction. And improvements in her drug problem seem to have less to do with the treatment she did receive than with changes in her life situation.
These two lives provide a touchstone to which his narrative will later return. The middle third of the book shifts dramatically in tone as Massing chronicles the evolution of the war on drugs in Washington. During Nixon’s tenure, the government spent more money on treatment (the “demand” side) than on stopping drug trafficking (the “supply” side), which he argues led to declines in both drug overdoses and crime rates. As successive presidents felt pressure to emphasize the “war” rather than treatment, he asserts that the number of chronic addicts skyrocketed. In the third and last section Massing returns to Spanish Harlem, where Hamilton continues a difficult struggle to remain drug-free and Flores struggles to keep his center afloat and to keep from falling into addiction himself.
It is the second part of the book that is the heart of Massing’s thesis. It is a tale that is familiar to those of us who are active in the field of drug policy and, in addition to scholars, other journalists have told it before — Dan Baum (1996) and Mike Gray (1998) doing so particularly well — but I will summarize (with some details Massing missed or left out) the history of drug policy under Nixon for the reader who is not familiar with the story.

A man who has been working as a cook dinner at a Chinese eating place in Aldergrove become these days sentenced to seven years in prison for strolling a cocaine and fentanyl dealing operation out of an East Vancouver stash residence.
Raymon Singh Ranu, 32, changed into convicted of 8 counts of trafficking and 3 counts of ownership of cocaine, heroin, and fentanyl for the motive of trafficking on Dec. 15, 2017, after a lengthy trial.
Ranu became 28 when he changed into arrested in 2015 as part of Project Tainted, a Vancouver Police Department operation in cooperation with the RCMP and the Combined Forces Special Enforcement Unit (CFSEU).
In overdue 2014, police started surveilling a home on Vancouver’s East twenty-seventh Avenue, looking people and motors come and go through hidden cameras.
Ranu himself became upon the house on at the least 45 of the fifty-seven days that surveillance turned into undertaken.
An undercover officer, called Mr. M in courtroom files, approached low-degree sellers and claimed to be searching out drugs to resell inside the Northwest Territories. He changed into eventually placed in contact with Ranu, whom he usually met in a taxicab that was at Ranu’s “beck and contact,” consistent with B.C. Supreme Court Judge Nancy Phillips.
Multiple conferences and drug deals ensued, whilst Ranu talked to the undercover officer approximately the efficiency of the drugs and a way to cope with cash.
“He made clear he knew how to launder the proceeds of crime in casinos, another remember of the situation to the community,” Phillips wrote in her sentencing ruling.

On Feb. 17, VPD raided the East 27th Avenue home and determined a large quantity of medicine, ultimately valued approximately extra than $1 million and which includes 7.87 kilograms of cocaine, greater than two kilograms of heroin, and heaps of fentanyl capsules.
The identical day, they raided a Tomicki Avenue home in Richmond where Ranu become a gift, finding $2,400 in marked bills that had been paid by means of the undercover officer Mr. M to Ranu for a drug buy earlier that month. They additionally found an in addition $17,010 in cash next to pockets containing Ranu’s ID.
A co-accused and dealer of Ranu, Walter McCormick, 54, become sentenced to fourteen years for his component within the scheme in a separate trial.
After his arrest, consistent with Phillips, Ranu took a job as a cook dinner at a restaurant in Aldergrove. He has married his girlfriend and had an infant inside the yr he was arrested.
“Reference letters submitted by means of individuals of his family defined him as a lively and loving father who has matured and lived a regulation-abiding existence whilst these expenses were before the court for the past 4 years,” Phillips wrote.
However, she additionally referred to his beyond criminal report, which includes previous drug convictions, and the fact that Ranu knew how powerful the fentanyl and other tablets he turned into selling have been.
“He preyed on men and women who are dependent on drugs with the social cost and human suffering that conduct involves,” Phillips wrote.
In addition to a seven-12 months jail sentence, he has an entire life firearms ban.

Novartis is coming into “an exciting boom phase” as the pharmaceutical employer prepares for a series of blockbuster launches this 12 months, CEO Vasant Narasimhan instructed CNBC Tuesday.
“It’s a pretty thrilling second due to the fact I can’t recall a time at Novartis where yr after yr after year we have these widespread drugs getting launched,” Narasimhan stated in a sit down-down interview with “Mad Money’s” Jim Cramer.
Novartis has a number of tablets within the pipeline. The Swiss-based producer in latest months acquired federal acclaim for Mayzent to deal with a couple of scleroses and RTH258 to deal with eye sickness. The employer is likewise gearing up to roll out Zolgensma for gene therapy this year, Narasimhan said.
On pinnacle of several new merchandises, Cosentyx and Entries to are actually “firing on all cylinders,” he delivered. Psoriasis drug Cosentyx released in 2016, and heart drug Entries to hit pharmacy cabinets in 2015.
“We’re a diversified remedy agency. When you look at those launches, they appear across therapeutic regions in addition to across technologies,” Narasimhan said.

Pharmaceutical expenses have emerged as an urgent political issue inside the United States. Health care is shaping as much as to be a point of focus in the 2020 presidential election, and the Trump administration earlier this month took the movement to require pharmaceutical agencies to list drug costs on television advertisements.

Novartis made headlines earlier this month, with it’s coming near Zolgensma drug that would price as a good deal as $2 million per patient. The organization has known as that figure “complete hypothesis.”
Nonetheless, Narasimhan told Cramer that he is advocating for the authorities to reconsider how the system can be tailored toward consumers. The industry should make way for new ways to buy drug treatments, consisting of allowing consumers to make installment and “results-based totally” payments, he said.
Outcome-based health care refers to managed care that seeks more effective prevention, analysis, and brief intervention.
“What I accept as true with is we need to repair some of the distortions in the device. We ought to honestly make certain rebates get to the affected person at the drugstore counter,” Narasimhan said. “We want patients to pay less at the pharmacy counter and get their drug treatments. We need to reform [Medicare] Part B and 340B [Drug Discount Program], and we want to examine extra biosimilars in the United States.”
Instead of taking medicine over the route of multiple years, the superior medicinal drug has allowed for “one-time, probably curative therapies,” and it’s going to require a shift in how the industry considers charges, he said.
“Let’s say in case you’re an insurer otherwise you’re a Medicaid software, you could pay over 5 years for one of these transformative treatment options, however, the infant gets the remedy once they want it, and of route then the transformational impact,” he said.
Narasimhan additionally defended Novartis’ April spin-off of eye care merchandise producer Alcon.
“Alcon’s doing extraordinarily nicely as a standalone business enterprise, [with a] fee drawing near $30 billion,” he said. I assume we “had a top-notch run inside the latest quarters … With all of our blockbusters now getting into the fore. So I think the $50 billion of transactions we did to consciousness the employer, the nearly $20 billion of [mergers & acquisitions] we’ve achieved to construct our middle drugs’ capability, is definitely paying off.”
Shares of Novartis are down nearly four% this yr, and up more than 7% within the past twelve months. The inventory finished Tuesday’s consultation up zero.Forty-six %.

Tyson Hubbard has in no way felt better.
The 19-12 months-vintage, who has cystic fibrosis, became one of the first to enjoy the new doubtlessly lifestyles-extending drug Orkambi after it becomes placed at the PBS in October.
It modified his lifestyles.
“It best prices me $6 a month, wherein earlier than it might be something like $two hundred,000 a year,” he stated.
“I had friends with CF who’ve died and buddies my age who are already at the transplant list so if the drug does what it says, to increase my lifestyles, that is quite excellent.
“I feel ordinary again.”
After initial side results, which Mr. Hubbard stated “basically did the alternative to what it is meant to do”, the drug kicked in.
“It simply allows hold me on the physical fitness I like to be and enables me to get out and do things I love to do,” he said.
Okami is available to CF sufferers who have two copies of a positive mutation and Mr. Hubbard’s mom and Border Cystic Fibrosis member Lillian Hubbard stated there has been an extended manner before being conventional.
“We needed to get the entirety ticked off before he qualified for the drug,” she said.
“In October it became the 1/3 time the drug changed into intended to be placed on the PBS and I bear in mind after I was given the home that day Tyson gave me a hug and whispered in my ear, ‘mum I am going to be here longer’.
“I did not understand how plenty this has affected each part of him. It has modified his existence.”
The Border MailThe dust jacket of Michael Massing’s The Fix summarizes his thesis in bold red letters: “Under the Nixon Administration, America Had an Effective Drug Policy. WE SHOULD RESTORE IT. (Nixon Was Right).” That is a pretty extraordinary claim to make regarding an administration that gained office in large part through the “Southern Strategy” that had at its heart Nixon’s declaration of a “War on Drugs” and whose policies created the cocaine epidemic that caused so many new concerns a decade later. At most, I would agree that the Nixon administration’s pursuit of a fundamentally bad policy included some worthwhile efforts that have been devalued by every subsequent administration. This was not because Nixon or his closest advisers were right about drug policy but because Nixon was more interested in foreign policy issues and his benign neglect of domestic policy allowed a number of positive developments to blossom in the midst of the mire of incompetence and corruption that characterized his presidency.
Perceptively concluding that “policies being formulated in Washington today bear little relation to what is taking place on the street,” Massing attempts to depict the real effects of drug policy at the street level. Unfortunately, he doesn’t rely on the epidemiologic evidence or read the careful analyses conducted by researchers like myself who have systematically examined what is truly taking place on the street. Instead, he relies on the journalist’s usual — and usually misleading — tool of dramatic anecdotes.
Massing’s anecdotal case is presented through the stories of Raphael Flores and Yvonne Hamilton. Flores runs Hot Line Cares, a drop-in center for addicts in Spanish Harlem. Hot Line Cares, which Flores founded in 1970, is essentially just a cramped office in of an otherwise abandoned tenement where Flores and his staff advise and assist addicts who want to get into treatment. Given the fragmented state of drug abuse treatment in New York City, and in most other American communities, it is no easy task to connect addicts with appropriate care and even harder to connect them with adequate aftercare. Massing writes, “If a Holiday Inn is full, it will at least call the Ramada down the street to see if it has a vacancy. Not so two treatment programs”

Nearly six hundred people suspected of involvement in drug dealing have been arrested in an unmarried week, police have stated, as officers launch a countrywide crackdown on so-called county traces gangs.
The operation focused on the networks that recruit kids and inclined adults to export the illegal pills alternate from the UK’s cities to its greater rural areas.
Officers took motion to defend extra than 900 human beings, inclusive of greater than 350 children and helped greater than 30 humans notion to be at risk of human trafficking and modern-day slavery. The power additionally resulted in the seizure of extra than £300,000 in cash and 46 weapons, the National Crime Agency (NCA) stated.

“Tackling county traces and the misery it causes is a countrywide law enforcement priority and those effects display the power of a whole-system response to a complicated problem that we’re seeing in every location of the UK,” said the NCA’s director of investigations, Nikki Holland.
“We recognize that criminal networks use excessive ranges of violence, exploitation, and abuse to make sure compliance from the prone people they hire to do the everyday drug supply hobby.”
Research released by means of the NCA in advance this yr hinted at the size of the exchange, with almost 3 times the number of telephone numbers related to it being identified that have been previously recognized approximately. The agency’s evaluation valued the illicit trade at approximately £500m in step with the year and related it to murder and sexual exploitation.
On Tuesday, the NCA stated it had seized £176,780 worth of cocaine, £36,550 really worth of crack cocaine and £17,950 worth of heroin in the operation, which ran for a week to Monday.
In one case, police worried in the operation found a 14-yr-vintage lacking girl from Cambridge in London and arrested three guys on suspicion of offenses connected to infant sexual abuse.
In every other, officers located a set of human beings they believe of taking up a prone man or woman’s domestic to apply it for drug dealing – a practice known as cuckooing. They said drugs have been thrown from the building, four humans had been arrested and cash and belongings seized.
Victoria Atkins, the minister for crime, safeguarding, and vulnerability, said: “We are decided to crack down on county traces, disrupt the networks devastating communities and positioned a stop to the violence and exploitation of youngsters and susceptible adults.”
Signs that a young person may have fallen prey to a county traces gang are said to be unexpectedly having new unaffordable property, going lacking lots, having friendships with older humans or having unexplained injuries.
Every police pressure in England and Wales is stricken by the gangs’ sports, the NCA believes, while the number of cases of present-day slavery involving UK minors went from 676 in 2017 to 1,421 in 2018.
The operation became run by the National County Lines Coordination Centre (NCLCC), that is at the same time run by the NCA and the National Police Chiefs’ Council. The dust jacket of Michael Massing’s The Fix summarizes his thesis in bold red letters: “Under the Nixon Administration, America Had an Effective Drug Policy. WE SHOULD RESTORE IT. (Nixon Was Right).” That is a pretty extraordinary claim to make regarding an administration that gained office in large part through the “Southern Strategy” that had at its heart Nixon’s declaration of a “War on Drugs” and whose policies created the cocaine epidemic that caused so many new concerns a decade later. At most, I would agree that the Nixon administration’s pursuit of a fundamentally bad policy included some worthwhile efforts that have been devalued by every subsequent administration. This was not because Nixon or his closest advisers were right about drug policy but because Nixon was more interested in foreign policy issues and his benign neglect of domestic policy allowed a number of positive developments to blossom in the midst of the mire of incompetence and corruption that characterized his presidency.

Research at the Clemson University Center for Human Genetics is revealing new insights into how genes impact drug use and addiction via a novel look at of susceptibility to the consequences of cocaine and methamphetamine in fruit flies.
The research has been published via PLOS Genetics, titled “Genetics of Cocaine and Methamphetamine Consumption and Preference in Drosophila melanogaster.” The manuscript’s senior authors are geneticists Trudy Mackay and Robert Anholt of the Center for Human Genetics. The co-authors are Chad Highfill, Brandon Baker, and Stephenie Stevens.
The take a look at assesses clearly happening variant in drug self-management and trade in this conduct on repeated exposure the usage of Drosophila melanogaster, a common fruit fly.
Why fruit flies? As it turns out, 75 percent of disorder-inflicting genes in people have a fly counterpart and researchers can precisely manipulate both the genetic history and environment of the flies, consisting of publicity to tablets. In human populations, susceptibility to the outcomes of cocaine and methamphetamine varies because of both environmental and genetic elements, making it challenging to render studies on susceptibility to the effects of those tablets.
Mackay, who is diagnosed as one of the global’s leading authorities on the genetics of complex tendencies, is the director of the Center for Human Genetics, that is part of the College of Science. She is also the Self Family Endowed Chair in Human Genetics and a professor within the department of genetics and biochemistry.
Mackay has a longstanding interest in behavioral genetics and growing the fruit fly as a model for information the genetic foundation of complicated behaviors. Her laboratory developed the Drosophila melanogaster Genetic Reference Panel (DGRP), which consists of numerous hundred inbred strains of Drosophila melanogaster. The DGRP allows researchers to use clearly taking place version to observe genetic editions that make contributions susceptibility to various conduct traits and is imperative to the crew’s studies.
“The key element is that they are inbred, so every line is homozygous, because of this we are able to test basically the same genotype over and over and over — nearly like clones of the equal individual, but the strains themselves are genetically diverse,” Mackay said.
“The strains together replicate the variant this is located in nature,” delivered Anholt, who’s Provost Distinguished Professor of Genetics and Biochemistry and director of faculty excellence initiatives inside the College of Science.
“The trait of a hobby right here is the propensity to eat cocaine and methamphetamine,” Anholt stated. “The purpose this component about the people being genetically equal is so essential is that we wanted to peer if we should represent variation in the fly population for initial propensity to eat tablets and modifications on this propensity over numerous consecutive exposures.”
The flies were given a desire of either a sucrose answer or a sucrose answer with both cocaine or methamphetamine over 3 distinctive exposures.
“Then you could broaden a choice assay — how lots, in case you have a look at the distinction among the drug and sucrose, does that change a few of the lines?” Mackay said. “That become a question: can we even have a genetic version for choice? And the second query turned into ‘Does that alternate through the years?’ The solution to each question turned into yes. There is a generic version for preference and it does trade over the years.”
“The propensity to consume these capsules or to expand desire for both of these tablets could be very tons depending on the genetic composition of each of these individuals,” Anholt stated. “We looked at 46 unique genetic backgrounds. If we looked at perhaps simplest one or of them, we won’t have visible any improvement of choice because it only takes place in positive genetic contexts which might be predisposed to developing a dependency. This, of a path, is also tremendously relevant to people due to the fact in human populations, the propensity to develop addiction upon consumption of cocaine is likewise variation.”
The look at is a critical begin in understanding the function of genetics in susceptibility to drug use and dependency. Results display that there may be big genetic variation in intake and choice, as well as trade in intake and preference, with repeated exposures for each cocaine and methamphetamine across special genetic backgrounds and that genetic variant for these trends has big sex- and drug-specific additives. Males and girls proved to be pretty exclusive genetically in their propensity to consume the medication.
“This is an evidence of idea,” Mackay stated. “It’s an extraordinarily small observe, however, it indicates a way ahead. And the manner ahead is thru the understanding of genetic and molecular networks that would result in the identity of novel therapeutic goals for which there can also already be FDA-accredited agonists or antagonists.”
“In this fly version, we have statistical power to do analyses which are tough to do in human populations,” Anholt said. “For example, the concept of gene-gene interactions is extremely difficult to observe in human populations because of very low statistical power. Whereas in flies, due to the fact we have a lot manipulate over the genetic background, we are able to use genetically identical individuals and a strict manipulate of environmental increase situations, and we are able to examine gene-gene interactions as well as effects of various environments on genetic susceptibility to specific trends.”

Noon in Yemen. A sullen hour with the solar at its sizzling zenith, the complete United states is traumatic, at the verge of a countrywide itch. When topics of war, and close to-famine, fade to irrelevance.
Relief is available in a red plastic bag packed with narcotic twigs that 90% of Yemeni guys, and 70% of girls, cram into their cheeks.
Happiness here is a lump of green mush the dimensions of a tennis ball this is masticated in public.
There’s no disgrace connected to getting excessive on that. Its results were likened to amphetamines. It tastes like grassy banana pores and skin.

These figures for consumption of khat are not guesses, they’re authorities estimates, underpinned with the aid of the World Health Organization in 2008, which additionally notes that 15-20% of children below 12 also chunk the drug.
The Ministry of Agriculture further reckons that a third of agricultural land and a 3rd of water for farming is taken up with growing the drug.
Many officials believe that these figures can be woefully low — a few research, noted by using the United Nations, propose that 60% of Yemen’s farmland is given over to khat.

And anecdotally, on a 2,500-mile (four,000km) power across the Houthi-held north of us of a that’s divided by using civil war, it’s far very clear that khat (Catha Edulis) is the region’s favored crop.

Which is strange whilst one considers that the UN’s World Food Programme estimates that it will have to feed 12 million Yemenis this 12 months. Before the state-of-the-art round of war blew up four years in the past, the WFP fed 1,000,000.
Even khat sellers suppose that it’s silly for a state, that is dangerously quick of meals, to be developing an inedible narcotic.
Mohammed Sulwei is stated by using fellow khat dealers in Sanaa, as the purveyor of the main drug market’s greatest inebriant.
A pink bag weighing approximately a pound and a half of the satisfactory hedge-like twigs, brought in every day, is going for 25,000 Yemeni riyals, it truly is about $50.

Khat provider Mohammed Sulwei sells on the pinnacle end, however, even he agrees it makes no sense for people to shop for tablets rather than meals.
The most inexpensive khat he sells is going for $five a bag, although the lowest quality fetches approximately $2.50 someplace else. That’s at the least sufficient cash to buy food for an own family of seven for a day.
I ask him: “Do you suspect that it makes sense for Yemen, that has no food, for all people to be chewing?”
He spoke back: “No.” And went on to say that he’d have no hassle if the drug changed into banned. “I’d sell something else,” he stated.
Nearby, Hussein al Jebri courses a sparkling silver 4×4 through a developing crowd of khat consumers haggling with salesmen who dispense their drugs from accelerated stalls.

He’s shopping for, he says, no longer for himself but for his employees.
“Actually, they’re escaping away from everyday life. You know we’re at the battle, and that they want a way to sense precisely. Do you get me? And a few human beings, they do not care about the money,” he defined.
Chewing khat is a conventional and significant a part of Yemeni lifestyles. Afternoons are spent chatting, chewing, and sipping countless small glasses of sugary tea.
As the effects intensify, a feeling of clarity takes maintain at the consumer.
According to a observe posted in the journal Neurosciences: “In the important anxious machine, khat chewing should take place itself as slight diploma of euphoria and moderate pleasure resulting in promoting of social interaction and inflicting loquacity.

A forty two-yr-antique man changed into placed on trial for ownership of mescaline on the market or deliver but the defense claimed that the fabric may be derived from a cactus bought legally at any plant save in Cork for €35.
Alexander Rojas Rey pleaded not guilty to fees of ownership of mescaline and ownership of the substance for sale or supply opposite to the Misuse of Drugs Act at his rental at River Towers, Lee Road, Cork, on January 23, 2018. A lot of the statistics of the case were not disputed among the parties. The key issue becomes whether or not the substance was a proscribed drug.
Dermot Sheehan, prosecution barrister, submitted to the jury:

And Mr. Sheehan stated that mescaline was a proscribed drug and became at the list of such tablets.
Peter O’Flynn, the defense barrister, reminded the jury that the defense changed into able to move into any plant save and buy any such cactus. He stated they had finished so and purchased a cactus for €35, which become introduced to Cork Circuit Criminal Court. The defense barrister stated the State’s professional witness stated the plant contained mescaline.

Mr. O’Flynn said the State should remedy the state of affairs without a doubt via including to the list of prohibited materials any cactus containing mescaline, however, had not achieved so. The defense barrister said the defendant stated that he drinks a tonic made from hot water and the cloth with which he was found.
Mr. O’Flynn stated: “There has been no proof of him profiting in any way from being in possession of this plant cloth. I say you need to have a doubt approximately him being in ownership of a controlled drug.”
Judge McCourt added the jury out to clarify: “The accused admits he turned into in possession of a substance. His defense is that the substance becomes not a controlled drug in the meaning of the regulation.”
A man on the jury became discharged as he becomes unable to return to Cork Circuit Criminal Court for the trial the day gone by. By agreement of all parties, the case proceeded earlier than a jury of eleven — seven men and 4 women. The dust jacket of Michael Massing’s The Fix summarizes his thesis in bold red letters: “Under the Nixon Administration, America Had an Effective Drug Policy. WE SHOULD RESTORE IT. (Nixon Was Right).” That is a pretty extraordinary claim to make regarding an administration that gained office in large part through the “Southern Strategy” that had at its heart Nixon’s declaration of a “War on Drugs” and whose policies created the cocaine epidemic that caused so many new concerns a decade later. At most, I would agree that the Nixon administration’s pursuit of a fundamentally bad policy included some worthwhile efforts that have been devalued by every subsequent administration. This was not because Nixon or his closest advisers were right about drug policy but because Nixon was more interested in foreign policy issues and his benign neglect of domestic policy allowed a number of positive developments to blossom in the midst of the mire of incompetence and corruption that characterized his presidency.
Perceptively concluding that “policies being formulated in Washington today bear little relation to what is taking place on the street,” Massing attempts to depict the real effects of drug policy at the street level. Unfortunately, he doesn’t rely on the epidemiologic evidence or read the careful analyses conducted by researchers like myself who have systematically examined what is truly taking place on the street. Instead, he relies on the journalist’s usual — and usually misleading — tool of dramatic anecdotes.
Massing’s anecdotal case is presented through the stories of Raphael Flores and Yvonne Hamilton. Flores runs Hot Line Cares, a drop-in center for addicts in Spanish Harlem. Hot Line Cares, which Flores founded in 1970, is essentially just a cramped office in of an otherwise abandoned tenement where Flores and his staff advise and assist addicts who want to get into treatment. Given the fragmented state of drug abuse treatment in New York City, and in most other American communities, it is no easy task to connect addicts with appropriate care and even harder to connect them with adequate aftercare. Massing writes, “If a Holiday Inn is full, it will at least call the Ramada down the street to see if it has a vacancy. Not so two treatment programs”

The price of drug deaths in Scotland is the best in Europe and numbers are nevertheless at the upward push, a document has stated.

Drug-related deaths in Scotland have almost doubled in eight years, with 934 recorded in 2017 – up from 545 in 2009.
The Scottish authorities spent more than £740m on tackling hassle drug and alcohol use among 2008 and 2018 however Audit Scotland stated: “there is still a great deal to do to lessen deaths”.
Most drug-related deaths are because of heroin, in step with the findings.

The use of psychoactive materials along with Spice “has largely decreased amongst the overall population” since it became made illegal, Audit Scotland observed, although it remains “intricate” trouble in prisons.
More than 3-quarters of deaths due to pills in 2017 were of human beings elderly 35 and over, up from fifty-four % in 2009 to 76%.
Drug deaths emergency
Auditor General for Scotland Caroline Gardner said: “The ultimate decade has visible several excellent achievements in drug and alcohol remedy in Scotland, together with greater restoration communities, progressed drug damage reduction techniques and minimum unit pricing for alcohol.
“But without clean overall performance records round what measures are running, the government will preserve to find it difficult to reap its aim of decreasing deaths and better-supporting people to recover.”

Public Health Minister Joe FitzPatrick stated: “I agree with that what Scotland faces in drug deaths is an emergency.
“To decide what extra we can do I will soon be convening a professional group to recommend on what in addition changes, in exercise or in law, ought to help save lives and reduce harm.
“The Audit Scotland file recognizes our support for medically-supervised secure intake rooms however the UK authorities, which holds the strength in this issue, has to date rejected them out of hand.
“We need to keep taking innovative, lifestyles-saving methods to public fitness priorities and if the United Kingdom government is unwilling to behave then I agree with they should recognize the desire of the Scottish Parliament and devolve those powers to allow us to do what’s necessary.”
Graham Sharp, chairman of the Accounts Commission for Scotland, stated: “Problem drug and alcohol use and their effects continue to be vast issues for Scotland.
“The commission welcomes this replace, with the intention to inform our destiny work around the hobby and investment throughout Scotland’s public sector to deal with the remedy and assist of some of our maximum susceptible human beings.”The dust jacket of Michael Massing’s The Fix summarizes his thesis in bold red letters: “Under the Nixon Administration, America Had an Effective Drug Policy. WE SHOULD RESTORE IT. (Nixon Was Right).” That is a pretty extraordinary claim to make regarding an administration that gained office in large part through the “Southern Strategy” that had at its heart Nixon’s declaration of a “War on Drugs” and whose policies created the cocaine epidemic that caused so many new concerns a decade later. At most, I would agree that the Nixon administration’s pursuit of a fundamentally bad policy included some worthwhile efforts that have been devalued by every subsequent administration. This was not because Nixon or his closest advisers were right about drug policy but because Nixon was more interested in foreign policy issues and his benign neglect of domestic policy allowed a number of positive developments to blossom in the midst of the mire of incompetence and corruption that characterized his presidency.
Perceptively concluding that “policies being formulated in Washington today bear little relation to what is taking place on the street,” Massing attempts to depict the real effects of drug policy at the street level. Unfortunately, he doesn’t rely on the epidemiologic evidence or read the careful analyses conducted by researchers like myself who have systematically examined what is truly taking place on the street. Instead, he relies on the journalist’s usual — and usually misleading — tool of dramatic anecdotes.
Massing’s anecdotal case is presented through the stories of Raphael Flores and Yvonne Hamilton. Flores runs Hot Line Cares, a drop-in center for addicts in Spanish Harlem. Hot Line Cares, which Flores founded in 1970, is essentially just a cramped office in of an otherwise abandoned tenement where Flores and his staff advise and assist addicts who want to get into treatment. Given the fragmented state of drug abuse treatment in New York City, and in most other American communities, it is no easy task to connect addicts with appropriate care and even harder to connect them with adequate aftercare. Massing writes, “If a Holiday Inn is full, it will at least call the Ramada down the street to see if it has a vacancy. Not so two treatment programs”

THESE DAYS it is hard to find an authority that is not struggling with the high price of drugs. In England, the authorities are fighting Vertex, a drug business enterprise, over the value of a drug for cystic fibrosis, Okami. In America, diabetics have died because of the excessive value of insulin. In the Netherlands, the authorities for a time stopped shopping for the immuno-oncology drug, Keytruda, as it was too high priced—even though it had helped to develop it. The listing charge of Orkambi is about $23,000 a month in America, and Keytruda is about $13,600 month (for as long as treatment continues). It has taken such wealthy-world dramas to pressure the unaffordability of medicines to the top of the worldwide health schedule, even though poorer international locations have complained about it for decades.
On May twentieth governments started tackling the issue at the World Health Assembly (WHA), an 8-day policy discussion board in which health ministers define the desires for the World Health Organisation for the coming yr. There is a lot for them to talk about, which includes the expansion of everyday health care, antimicrobial resistance, the impact of weather change on health and the deepening disaster of Ebola within the Democratic Republic of Congo. Yet the hottest topic is the high charge of new drugs, particularly most cancers tablets. The dust jacket of Michael Massing’s The Fix summarizes his thesis in bold red letters: “Under the Nixon Administration, America Had an Effective Drug Policy. WE SHOULD RESTORE IT. (Nixon Was Right).” That is a pretty extraordinary claim to make regarding an administration that gained office in large part through the “Southern Strategy” that had at its heart Nixon’s declaration of a “War on Drugs” and whose policies created the cocaine epidemic that caused so many new concerns a decade later. At most, I would agree that the Nixon administration’s pursuit of a fundamentally bad policy included some worthwhile efforts that have been devalued by every subsequent administration. This was not because Nixon or his closest advisers were right about drug policy but because Nixon was more interested in foreign policy issues and his benign neglect of domestic policy allowed a number of positive developments to blossom in the midst of the mire of incompetence and corruption that characterized his presidency.
Perceptively concluding that “policies being formulated in Washington today bear little relation to what is taking place on the street,” Massing attempts to depict the real effects of drug policy at the street level. Unfortunately, he doesn’t rely on the epidemiologic evidence or read the careful analyses conducted by researchers like myself who have systematically examined what is truly taking place on the street. Instead, he relies on the journalist’s usual — and usually misleading — tool of dramatic anecdotes.
Massing’s anecdotal case is presented through the stories of Raphael Flores and Yvonne Hamilton. Flores runs Hot Line Cares, a drop-in center for addicts in Spanish Harlem. Hot Line Cares, which Flores founded in 1970, is essentially just a cramped office in of an otherwise abandoned tenement where Flores and his staff advise and assist addicts who want to get into treatment. Given the fragmented state of drug abuse treatment in New York City, and in most other American communities, it is no easy task to connect addicts with appropriate care and even harder to connect them with adequate aftercare. Massing writes, “If a Holiday Inn is full, it will at least call the Ramada down the street to see if it has a vacancy. Not so two treatment programs”
Yvonne Hamilton is a crack addict trying to get her life together. Massing describes her trials and tribulations as she copes with her illness and makes her way through New York City’s treatment non-system. It is an affecting story and well told. The author presents it as an argument for treatment and perversely as an argument against decriminalization or legalization. But she is one of the many examples that show that prohibition does not prevent addiction. And improvements in her drug problem seem to have less to do with the treatment she did receive than with changes in her life situation.
These two lives provide a touchstone to which his narrative will later return. The middle third of the book shifts dramatically in tone as Massing chronicles the evolution of the war on drugs in Washington. During Nixon’s tenure, the government spent more money on treatment (the “demand” side) than on stopping drug trafficking (the “supply” side), which he argues led to declines in both drug overdoses and crime rates. As successive presidents felt pressure to emphasize the “war” rather than treatment, he asserts that the number of chronic addicts skyrocketed. In the third and last section Massing returns to Spanish Harlem, where Hamilton continues a difficult struggle to remain drug-free and Flores struggles to keep his center afloat and to keep from falling into addiction himself.
It is the second part of the book that is the heart of Massing’s thesis. It is a tale that is familiar to those of us who are active in the field of drug policy and, in addition to scholars, other journalists have told it before — Dan Baum (1996) and Mike Gray (1998) doing so particularly well — but I will summarize (with some details Massing missed or left out) the history of drug policy under Nixon for the reader who is not familiar with the story.